Chapter 251

< World War II - End-of-war Agreement (2) >

April 18, 1942

Somewhere in the Soviet Union

A secret room thick with cigarette smoke.

"The health of the generals in the Gulag, including General Aleksandr Vasilevsky and General Kirill Meretskov, is in good condition. We have arranged it so they can join our side as soon as the operation begins."

Yuri Andropov, Chairman of the NKVD, explained the plan with a sharp gleam in his eyes behind his glasses.

"Once the Armistice Agreement with the Allied Powers is finalized and both armies begin their withdrawal, we will stage a coup d'état to sweep Stalin's remnants from this Soviet Union and seize the regime."

At those words, all the generals in the room swallowed dryly.

"Field Marshal Voroshilov will be established as the Provisional Head of State. He won't be given any real power, but his popularity is still effective."

Zhukov, who had been listening, slightly furrowed his brow and spoke.

"Wasn't he Stalin's loyal dog? Has he been persuaded?"

Upon receiving Zhukov's question, Andropov gestured to his subordinate, and soon voices began to play in the secret room.

-At this rate, we're all going to die! We have to deal with Stalin now.

Khrushchev's voice.

-But how? Is there a means to dispose of him while avoiding the suspicions of that paranoiac?

Molotov's voice.

-His personal physician is currently in despair after losing his son in this battle. If we incite his desire for revenge, we might be able to pull him in.

Zhdanov's voice.

Andropov gestured once again, and the recorded voices stopped.

"…I see. We aren't formally rebelling against Stalin and his followers, but rather disposing of the traitors who murdered him."

As Konstantin Rokossovsky spoke, Andropov nodded.

"That is correct. Leaving aside the capital of Moscow and other large cities, there are still quite a few people in most parts of the Soviet Union who, unaware of the reality of this war, mourn Stalin's death due to the influence of propaganda."

Zhukov looked somewhat displeased, but Andropov paid it no mind.

"In these peace negotiations, the Soviet Union will have to pay a serious price. We will pin the responsibility for that, along with the charge of murdering the General Secretary, on them and purge them. Of course, since the Allied Powers must not misjudge our intentions, we must first convey our intention to abide by the results of the peace negotiations."

"That will be extremely important.

If we appear to be a group possessed by Stalin's ghost, the Allied Powers won't just sit back either."

At the words of Antonov, the Chief of the General Staff, Andropov nodded and continued speaking.

"If we leave them be, the Soviet Union will remain a corrupt group that merely replaced its General Secretary. On the other hand, if we pull this off, we will receive the support of the people and be able to reform this union."

Having said that, Andropov looked at Georgy Zhukov, who had a distinctly dissatisfied expression, and spoke.

"Naturally, once this matter is concluded, the one with the real power in the military will be General Georgy Zhukov, no, Field Marshal."

"Ahem, ahem."

Only then did Zhukov smile in satisfaction and clear his throat.

"The neutralization of the high command and the seizure of Moscow will be carried out by me and the committee. To ensure no one acts rashly afterward, you just need to mobilize the military and swiftly enter Moscow."

"Do you have the military force to seize Moscow? The NKVD is a massive organization, but it shouldn't have regular military forces."

At the question from Chief of the General Staff Antonov, Andropov nodded.

"We have another comrade."

"Understood. We must ensure that a war with the Allied Powers is not resumed, even in the unlikely event. The Soviet Union does not have the spare capacity to face them for the time being."

"Of course."

Andropov nodded at Zhukov's words and met the gaze of Enrique Líster.

Líster already knew Andropov's plan, having heard it.

The concept was to divide power among three organizations—the military, the committee, and the party—under a figurehead General Secretary without real power, making them check each other.

And that there was also a plan to purge any faction fueled by ambition if they tried to monopolize power at any time.

"…Although we lost the war, we cannot let the Soviet Union collapse fruitlessly, nor can we let it stagnate and fall from corruption. Since Stalin is gone, we must lift his shadow from this union and reorganize it into a nation for the people, rather than for the ambitions of the powerful."

As everyone nodded at Andropov's words, Líster muttered lowly.

"It took too long… And the price was too high…"

There must be some among those present here harboring different dreams in the same bed. Especially Zhukov, who couldn't quite hide his ambition.

However.

In the end, they had barely made it this far.

What if Nikolayevich had been here with them?

Líster swallowed the bitterness lingering in his mouth and clenched his fists.

Regardless, now all that was left was to act.

*

April 19, 1942

Western Russia, Smolensk – US Army Base

"I can't understand it. We have victory in our grasp, and they're ending it this fruitlessly?"

George S.

Patton, a Lieutenant General in the US Army, smoked a cigarette with annoyance.

"The US Army also contributed to the victory without shedding much blood, so it's not bad, General. Our home country is also disappointed that we aren't finishing off the Soviet Union, but we are not in a situation where we can fully intervene in the Soviet Front."

Even at the words of his Chief of Staff, Wedemeyer, Patton chewed on his cigarette and spat out his words.

"Tch, to me, peace is a greater hell than war. I was bored to death back home, and now you want me to stop after just getting a taste of it having come all this way? If I live for even a day, I want to live like a lion."

Wedemeyer gave a bitter smile.

"Still, hasn't it been an eye-opening experience coming here in its own way? The doctrine, equipment, and tactics of the German Army are much more advanced than they were during Nazi Germany. I am satisfied with this level of experience.

In fact, I think it's remarkable that Germany is trying to end the war without getting greedier in this situation—"

"Hmph. They're cowards.

I thought the German Army was a true group of warriors, but I'd rather say those whining Free Russia bastards are a bit better. Compared to war, everything else humans have achieved is trivial.

I just love war too much to bear it."

Wedemeyer finally let out a sigh, sick and tired of Patton, who had cut him off.

Patton paid no mind to whether his Chief of Staff did so or not, merely glaring in the direction of Moscow and uttering a single sentence.

"Peace negotiations? Hah! The United States of America and those Commies can't live under the same sky anyway. Whether it's now or later. We're destined to fight regardless."

*

April 19, 1942

Western Russia, Smolensk – Provisional Headquarters of the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia

"How did it go, Chairman?"

When Alexander Kerensky, the Provisional President of Free Russia and the Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia, asked, Andrey Vlasov shook his head with an annoyed expression.

"Just as their Minister of Defense mentioned during the talks with America in the past, they say they will only demand the territory stretching from Luga to Bryansk."

At Vlasov's answer, the faces of the Free Russia high command, including Kerensky, darkened.

It was wider than the territory Germany had guaranteed in a reduced manner at the time when the US Army said it would be difficult to immediately dispatch 500,000 volunteer soldiers.

It was certainly more than the territory the Free Russian Army had actually secured.

But it wasn't a situation where they could be happy about it.

"…This is a war we've already won."

General Bronislav Kaminski of the Free Russian Army began to speak with a seething voice.

"Their main force has collapsed, and having lost over ten million troops and the entirety of Ukraine, it's obvious they will wither and die just by continuing the war! And yet, they want to end the war here with Moscow right before our eyes?"

Kaminski was belligerent and held an extreme hatred for the Soviet Union even within Free Russia, but the thoughts of the other Free Russia high command present were not much different.

If it were a situation where they had suffered too much damage to advance any further, there would be nothing to say even if the war ended.

But it was a great victory, and an overwhelming one at that. The Soviet Union had crumbled across all fronts, and the main thrusts of the Allied Powers that participated in the last offensive had all successfully pushed back the Soviet Union and advanced.

"The Soviet armored unit that was shattered by the German Army in the last battle must have been the final resistance they desperately scraped together over the past winter! They are now staggering and on the verge of collapsing fruitlessly if we just push a little harder, so why are we stopping here!"

"…No one here wants to end the war."

An old man who was once the Prime Minister of the Russian Republic that arose after overthrowing the Russian Empire, but was defeated by the Soviet Union and chased out.

Alexander Kerensky had a grim expression.

"But since America has turned its interest toward the Pacific Ocean, we have no choice but to be mindful of Germany and the Allied Powers."

That was the reality.

Objectively speaking, the Free Russian Army had not managed to make a significant contribution in the end.

While their goal was the overthrow of the Soviet Union and the recapture of the entire Russian theater, the military force they could contribute to the Allied Powers was incredibly weak.

But even so—

The provisional territory of Free Russia that Germany was going to secure for them, excluding Smolensk, had a small population and wasn't particularly well-developed land.

Looking purely at the size of the territory, it was equivalent to the Baltic States combined, but to be precise, it was less a domain for Free Russia and more a configuration given to them to pressure the core Soviet cities of Moscow and Leningrad while bordering the Soviet Union instead of Poland.

"…If the Armistice Agreement is signed as is, at best, we will face a future where we are nothing more than a watchdog subordinate to Germany or America."

Having said that, Andrey Vlasov stared intently at the map.

This wasn't the future they had so desperately desired an opportunity to fight for, nor the reason they had tried to join the war by any means necessary, even borrowing the strength of their new sponsor, America.

The reason they rose up was to liberate the Russian people suffering under Soviet oppression and to establish a truly free Russia.

Amidst everyone's resentment, someone opened their mouth.

"…What if the peace negotiations break down instead."

*

April 20, 1942

Central Belarus, Minsk – Allied Powers Airbase

I had been waiting at the airbase when I greeted Prime Minister Heuss and Foreign Minister Erich Kordt as they disembarked from their airplane.

"Welcome, Mr. Heuss, Minister Kordt."

"Good to see you!"

"Haha. You've worked hard doing the prior coordination, Minister Schacht."

"It's just my job."

Kordt greeted me with his usual cheerful laugh, and Mr.

Heuss gave me a soft smile while patting my shoulder.

The peace negotiations with the Soviet Union effectively mark the end of the war in Europe.

Since the war with Japan still remains, it's not officially the end of World War II, but we aren't the key players in the Pacific War, so for Germany, this will serve as a symbolic declaration of victory.

The one to take on that role should be Mr.

Heuss rather than me.

That's why I called Mr.

Heuss, who had been declining by saying it was my achievement, all the way out here for it.

The three of us immediately got into a car, and as soon as I sat down, I spoke to Kordt.

"What happened with the Yugoslavia matter?"

"Hungary seems to be stepping back for now, expressing their gratitude since we said we'd step in, and while Romania is deliberating, it seems positive."

From Romania's perspective, they probably want to take back Banat too, but the population of Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, which we offered to return, is more than three times that of Banat.

Considering that Banat has a significant Serbian population and that Hungary would get involved, it's highly likely they will accept it for practical reasons, even if they have some dissatisfaction.

Furthermore…

"Since Germany offered to help them secure the cession of Dobruja by pressuring Bulgaria, I think they will accept it in the end."

This is also clearly a plunder of territory, but Dobruja was originally Romanian territory until Bulgaria intervened and seized it during the partition of Romania.

Moreover, since Bulgaria was a pro-Soviet nation, making an example of them to this extent won't make other European nations act sensitively.

We can't be a nation of great saints being kind to everyone anyway, and rather, instilling the impression that accepting Germany's demands will earn them some sort of benefit isn't a bad thing.

Unless Romania is foolish, they will guess that Germany had some influence in the partition of Romania, given the timing when Germany refused their entry into the Allied Powers and when the pro-German nation of Yugoslavia acknowledged Hungary's annulment of the Treaty of Trianon and its recapture of Transylvania.

But that is just circumstantial at best, not an open fact.

From the perspective of the general Romanian public who don't know much, they will just perceive Germany as an ally that returned Romania's former territory stolen by the Soviet Union and pressured Bulgaria to return Dobruja as well.

Now that the war with the Soviet Union is ending, we have the spare capacity to respond in case of an emergency even if we appropriately return what Romania lost like that, so it's fine.

…I just have no choice but to carry the truth as one of my sins.

I let out a small sigh and spoke.

"What did Turkey say?"

Right around the time we were patching up the Romania and Bulgaria issue, Greece, claiming to be the successor to Macedonia, also started aiming for Macedonia.

Yugoslavia is just a real feast for everyone…

"Haha, they said they would lay down a threat in the near future."

I smiled broadly.

Originally, we had been importing chromium, an alloy material, almost entirely through South Africa, a British Dominion.

It was because France and Italy were enemy nations, so we lacked command of the sea in the Mediterranean Sea.

However, since the Cape of Good Hope at the tip of Africa is too far and relying on Britain doesn't look good, we decided to sign a large-scale chromium trade deal with Turkey this time.

From Turkey's perspective, it's a good way to earn foreign currency, so they have no reason to refuse, and when we asked them to pressure Greece while they were at it, they readily agreed to that as well.

Turkey is still reluctant to participate in the war against the Soviet Union as they haven't recovered from the aftermath of the previous war, but they can't afford to sit idly by and watch the expansion of Greece, their sworn enemy.

There's no way they would refuse when Germany is offering them moneymaking opportunities while backing them up.

Even so, Kordt, who intervened in all those tangled situations within a short period, is truly amazing.

It doesn't look good for me, the Minister of Defense, to step into diplomacy that isn't directly related to the war, so it's great to be able to trust and rely on him, my comrade since the Black Orchestra, as he shows such great performance.

The Yugoslavian Civil War is still ongoing, and this won't solve all the Balkan issues, but it should have bought us enough time at least until we end the German-Soviet War.

"You really worked hard, Minister Kordt."

"Yes, our Foreign Minister really went through a lot of hardship, Minister Schacht."

When Mr.

Heuss chimed in, Kordt laughed pleasantly.

"Haha, if I can't even handle this much when a grand strategy is laid out, I should take off my clothes as a diplomat!"

After bantering, Kordt brought it up as if he had just remembered.

"Ah, by the way…"

"Hmm?"

"What is it? Please speak."

Seeing Kordt looking around cautiously, uncharacteristically of his usually cheerful self, Mr.

Heuss and I looked puzzled as Kordt spoke.

"Franz von Papen, the ambassador to Turkey, mentioned that he wants to return to Germany soon, but…"

"Absolutely not."

"Absolutely not."

As Mr.

Heuss and I answered almost simultaneously, Kordt shrugged his shoulders.

"I figured as much, understood."

"That fellow who handed the regime over to Hitler on a silver platter…"

To think that the gentle Mr.

Heuss would show genuine disgust so rarely, this is quite a rare sight.

But it's understandable.

Franz von Papen, Hitler's predecessor as Prime Minister and…

The politician who had Edgar Julius Jung, Claudia's father, as his secretary.

While Claudia's father and his comrades were murdered as an example during the Night of the Long Knives, he was protected by Göring and actively cooperated with every step of Hitler's rise to become the Führer.

Then, after being half-chased out and sent as the ambassador to Turkey, he paid almost no attention to Germany.

He intentionally turned a blind eye to Claudia and the bereaved families of his subordinates who died because of him.

In the original history, he acted like that and then whined that the Nazis seizing power wasn't his fault, but now that the Nazis are gone, he wants to come back?

If he thinks he can trigger Claudia's trauma, he's got another thing coming.

I spat out, sounding so cold that it surprised even myself.

"Tell him to just live quietly over there and die."

"Tell him he should be grateful we're even letting him keep his ambassadorship."

Mr.

Heuss joined in as well.

…As expected of my father-in-law.

After that minor incident, as we stepped out of the car, Mr. Berger, who had been waiting, approached us.

"Welcome, Mr. Heuss, Foreign Minister. Minister Schacht, the Soviet delegation is said to be arriving in two hours."

"Ah, I see."

"Haha, let's head over early and greet the leaders of the Allied Powers."

Mr.

Heuss led the way, and I followed behind him alongside Kordt.

The time had finally come to put an end to this loathsome German-Soviet War.