Chapter 345 - 128: Gorbachev Comes to Power

Chapter 345: Chapter 128: Gorbachev Comes to Power

The woman nodded and held the door open. "Come in."

Five or six women were sitting in the living room, their ages ranging from their early twenties to their late fifties. They were in the middle of a discussion, but they all stopped when they saw Werner enter.

"I’m Babette Boli," the woman who opened the door introduced herself. "Founder of the Women’s Peace Initiative. These are our core members."

Werner shook hands with each of them.

The women’s hands were mostly rough. They were clearly workers or housewives, not the pampered intellectual type.

"Please, have a seat," Babette said, gesturing to the sofa. "Father Weber said you could help us?"

"I believe so," Werner replied as he sat down. "Could you start by telling me what it is you do?"

"We focus on the situation of women in this country," Babette said calmly. "The government always says socialism has liberated women and made us equal to men. But what’s the reality? Women have to work, do housework, and raise children. We’re worked to death. Our wages are lower than men’s, promotions are harder to get, and we have to endure all kinds of harassment and discrimination."

"We want to change that," a younger woman chimed in. "But the government won’t let us organize, won’t let us speak out. We even have to meet in secret just to talk about it."

"We’re also concerned about peace," another, middle-aged woman said. "This country spends so much money on the military, on nuclear weapons, yet our hospitals are short on medicine, our schools lack equipment, and our children can’t even get toys. Is that right?"

"What do you need?" Werner asked.

"A venue," said Babette. "Right now, we can only meet in each other’s homes, with five or six people at most. We want to find a place that can hold more women, where we can hold regular events."

"And promotional materials," the young woman added. "We want to print flyers and publish pamphlets to let more women know we exist."

"We also need money," the middle-aged woman said frankly. "We all have families. We can’t support this organization on our salaries alone."

Werner nodded and took another newspaper-wrapped package from his bag. "Here’s thirty thousand West German Marks. It’s enough to rent a venue for a year, print materials for half a year, and cover some daily expenses."

The women looked at each other in stunned silence.

"Why... why are you helping us?" Babette asked warily. "Do you know that we’re a dissident group? The kind the Stasi keeps an eye on."

"I know," Werner said. "I also know things aren’t easy for you. That’s why I want to help."

"Aren’t you afraid of being implicated?"

"I’ve done things a hundred times more dangerous than this," Werner said flatly. "Thirty thousand Marks is nothing to me."

Babette stared at Werner for a long time before finally reaching out and taking the money. "Thank you. We will remember your kindness."

"Don’t thank me," Werner said, standing up. "The best way to thank me is to do what you need to do."

**************

Over the next two months, Werner traveled to all the major cities in East Germany.

In Leipzig, he met with the head of the "April 25th Initiative," a musician named Thomas Rudy. They met in the basement of a dilapidated church, and Werner gave them fifty thousand Marks to buy musical instruments and organize underground concerts.

In Dresden, he funded a group called the "Human Rights Initiative," which specialized in collecting cases of political prisoners and exposing them to the Western media. The leader was a lawyer named Von Brown Mueller, who had been disbarred for defending dissidents. Werner gave him forty thousand Marks.

In Halle, he found the "Eco-Library," a group of university students conducting environmental surveys and collecting pollution data. Werner gave them thirty thousand Marks to buy testing equipment.

In Erfurt, he funded a peace organization composed mainly of young, religious people. They held seminars in churches to discuss nonviolent resistance. Werner gave them twenty thousand Marks.

In Rostock, he met a group of workers who wanted to form an independent trade union to oppose the official puppet union. Werner gave them sixty thousand Marks, his largest contribution yet.

By Christmas of 1983, Werner had funded seventeen dissident groups, spending nearly one million West German Marks.

**************

「Werner’s secret office.」

Franz put down a stack of files. "Boss, here is the list of all the organizations we funded last year, along with their contact information. I’ve organized everything."

Werner opened the folder. Inside were index cards, each bearing an organization’s name, leader, address, funding amount, and main activities.

"Excellent," Werner said with a satisfied nod. "We’ll continue this year. Find about ten more organizations and keep expanding the network."

"Understood." Franz hesitated for a moment. "Boss, I heard the Stasi has been investigating some dissident groups recently. They’ve arrested a few people."

"I know," said Werner. "But not the ones we’re funding."

"Why not?"

"Because I warned them in advance." Werner pointed at the telephone. "Last month, Von Brown told me the Stasi was about to move on a few specific groups. I had intermediaries notify them that very night, telling them to relocate."

Franz drew in a sharp breath. "You... you told the dissidents about a Stasi operation?"

"Yes," Werner said calmly. "I protect their safety, and in return, they owe me a favor."

"But if Von Brown finds out..."

"He won’t." Werner smiled. "The way I passed on the information was very discreet. Even if those people got away, Von Brown would just assume they got spooked on their own. He’d never suspect I was the one who leaked it."

Franz shook his head. "Boss, this game you’re playing is too big."

"It’s not big," Werner said, closing the folder. "This is just the beginning. Go on. I’m going to Leipzig next week; make the arrangements in advance."

**************

「March 12, 1985. The snow in Moscow had not yet melted.」

Werner stood in his office at Koko Headquarters in East Berlin, staring at the message that had just come through the fax machine.

Chernenko was dead. Gorbachev had taken over as General Secretary of the CPSU.

"This one is different," Werner murmured to himself.

His secretary pushed the door open, a stack of documents in her hand. "Deputy Director, Moscow wants us to prepare a new trade plan, supposedly to coordinate with their reforms. Take a look—"

"Just leave them," Werner said with a wave of his hand, turning to look out the window.

March in Berlin was gloomy. On the other side of the Wall, West Berlin was faintly visible through the mist.

Werner lit a cigarette and took a deep drag.

’He knew. The turning point of history had arrived.’

’After all these years since I transmigrated, the Soviet Union had gone through several leaders.’

’Brezhnev, Andropov, Chernenko—one decrepit old face after another.’

’But Gorbachev was different. The man was only fifty-four, full of passion for reform.’

’More importantly, Werner knew what this man would do—openness, transparency, and new thinking.’

’To the East German regime, all of these words were poison.’

Werner quickly ran through the situation in his mind.

’Once Gorbachev begins his reforms, the Soviet Union’s control over Eastern Europe is bound to loosen.’

’The East German regime, propped up by Moscow’s tanks and Rubles, will begin to shake like a house that has lost its foundation.’

’That stubborn old man, Anger, will never go along with the reforms. He’ll cling to his "socialist path of East Germany" and ultimately be crushed by the times.’

’What is this country propped up by?’

’Not the support of the people, not economic prosperity, but the tanks of the Soviet Union and the surveillance of the Stasi.’

’Once the Soviet Union withdraws its support, East Germany is just a house of cards. One push and it will all come tumbling down.’

’The most crucial thing is time.’

’Although the actual fall of the Berlin Wall is still a few years away, East Germany’s political and economic situation will deteriorate rapidly before then.’

’The people will grow more and more discontented, Stasi surveillance will become ever stricter, and the economy will face increasing difficulties. The window of time he has to move his assets is, at most, three to five years.’

’Three to five years. He has to move everything that needs to be moved before East Germany completely loses control.’