Chapter 379 - 24: When the Mark Shatters the Border

The conference hall fell silent.

"My name is Werner Betelich. I'm the former deputy director of Koko and now an independent economic expert," Werner said calmly. "Regarding the issue of the Stasi files, I'd like to share my personal opinion."

"Please, go ahead," said an opposition representative.

"Making the files public is necessary, I agree on that point," Werner said. "But we must be cautious. Have you considered what would happen if the complete lists of informants were released?"

"The guilty would be punished," a young man said.

"It's more than that." Werner scanned the room. "Wives will discover their husbands spied on them for twenty years. People will find out their best friends reported their private lives to the Stasi every week. Children will learn their parents sold out the neighbors. All of East Germany would be plunged into mutual suspicion overnight—'Who informed on me? Who else around me is an informant?' This isn't justice. This is letting six million informant files tear apart sixteen million people."

The conference hall was utterly silent.

"Moreover, the files don't just contain the names of perpetrators, but also the private details of victims," Werner continued. "Some were monitored for being homosexual, some were blackmailed over extramarital affairs, and some had their histories of mental illness recorded. If everything is made public, these victims will suffer a second time. Their lives will be ruined."

"So you're saying we shouldn't release them?"

"No, I'm saying we should release them selectively," Werner said. "First, release all files related to persecution, surveillance, and torture to hold the key individuals accountable—those who gave the orders, those who carried out the abuse, and those who were proactively and enthusiastically informing. Second, for files involving personal privacy, only allow the subjects of the files to access them, letting them decide for themselves if they want to know the truth. Third, for the lists of informants, we need to establish an independent committee to review them case by case. Some people were threatened—for example, 'If you don't cooperate, your child won't get into university.' Some were bought, and others genuinely believed they were defending the country. We must distinguish between these people and not apply a one-size-fits-all solution."

"But if we do that, many of the guilty will escape punishment," said the young man.

"What is the point of punishing the small-timers who were forced to cooperate and only reported on a few neighborhood chats?" Werner countered. "Once their names are exposed, they'll be shunned by their neighbors, lose their jobs, and be abandoned by their families. And then what? What have we gained? Justice? Or have we just created more hatred and forced the entire society to live in fear and retribution?"

Modro looked at Werner, a flash of gratitude in his eyes. "Mr. Betelich is right. If we really made all the informant lists public, East Germany would become a hell where everyone is suspicious of everyone else, and no one would dare trust anyone. What we need is healing, not revenge."

"I agree," the economics professor nodded. "Establish a committee, release the files selectively. Prosecute the real criminals, protect the innocent victims, and give those who were forced to cooperate a way out."

"Then let's move on to the next item on the agenda," Modro said. "Economic reform."

"The East German economy is collapsing," the Minister of Finance read from a report. "Industrial production has fallen by 30%, the unemployment rate has risen to 15%, and the East German Mark's exchange rate has dropped to 1-to-7. If we don't take action soon, we will face a full-blown economic crisis."

"Then what should we do?" an opposition representative asked.

"We need West Germany's help," said the Minister of Finance. "I propose we negotiate with West Germany to establish an economic cooperation mechanism and stabilize the East German Mark's exchange rate."

"Stabilize the East German Mark?" Werner raised his hand again.

"Mr. Betelich?"

Werner stood up. "With all due respect, stabilizing the East German Mark is impossible."

The conference hall erupted in an uproar.

"Why?" asked the Minister of Finance.

"Because the East German Mark has lost all credibility," Werner said. "The people don't believe in it, the market won't accept it, and even we don't believe in it ourselves. Under these circumstances, no matter what measures we take, the East German Mark cannot be saved."

"Then what is your recommendation?"

"Abandon the East German Mark and adopt the West German Mark directly," Werner said calmly.

The hall burst into heated debate.

"Impossible!"

"That's tantamount to surrendering our sovereignty!"

"We'll become a vassal state of West Germany!"

Werner waited for the arguments to die down before continuing. "Everyone, I understand your concerns. But we must face reality. The East German economy has collapsed, and we don't have the ability to rebuild it on our own. Rather than slowly decline, it's better to rapidly integrate with the West German economy and use their resources to get back on our feet."

"But if we do that, we'll lose so much," an SED representative said. "State-owned enterprises will be privatized, workers will lose their jobs, and East Germany will be swallowed by West Germany."

"Yes, we will lose a lot," Werner acknowledged. "But we will also gain a lot. A stable currency, advanced technology, a vast market. These are things East Germany cannot obtain on its own."

"What about the workers? What about the people who have worked in state-owned enterprises their entire lives?"

"Privatization doesn't have to mean unemployment," Werner said. "The key is *how* we privatize. If we can design reasonable policies that protect workers' rights and provide training and employment opportunities, privatization can be a win-win."

"Easy for you to say," a union representative sneered. "You businessmen are only good at making grand, empty promises."

"I'm not making empty promises," Werner looked at him. "I'm stating the facts. The East German economy has no other way out. Our only choice is to integrate with West Germany."

Modro tapped the table. "Alright, we will continue this discussion. It's six o'clock now. Today's meeting is adjourned. The next meeting will be on January 29th, same time, same place."

People began to file out of the conference hall.

Werner gathered his documents, preparing to leave.

"Mr. Betelich."

Werner turned to see Thomas Borg walking toward him.

"Mr. Borg."

"Your speech today was brilliant," Borg said. "Very pragmatic, very rational."

"Thank you."

"I'd like to ask you a question," Borg said, lowering his voice. "Do you really think East Germany should give up its independence and integrate with West Germany?"

Werner looked at him and said seriously, "Mr. Borg, East Germany was never a truly independent country. It was a product of the Cold War, a vassal of the Soviet Union. Now that the Cold War is over and the Soviet Union can barely look after itself, East Germany's reason for existence has disappeared."

"Then the reunification of the Two Germanys—"

"Is a historical inevitability," Werner said. "The only thing we can do is make the process as smooth as possible and as beneficial as possible for the people of East Germany."

Borg stared at Werner for a long moment before saying, "Mr. Betelich, you are a realist."

"I just see a little further than others," Werner said.

He turned, left the conference hall, and walked out into the night.

************

「January 25th, Thursday, 8:00 PM.」

Werner sat in a private room of a quiet restaurant, across from three people.

The first was Professor Steinhof, an economist and advisor to the New Forum.

The second was Elwin Fischer, a representative of the Social Democratic Party. He was a former political prisoner who had been freed by Werner through a prisoner exchange.

The third was Marianne Becker, a member of Democratic Awakening and a dissident who had also once been helped by Werner.

"Mr. Betelich, thank you for agreeing to see us," Professor Steinhof said.

"You're welcome, Professor," Werner said. "I heard you wanted to talk about economic reform."

"Yes," Steinhof said. "We all heard your speech at the round table conference. It was very enlightening. But we have some concerns."

"What concerns?"

"About privatization," Fischer said. "Mr. Betelich, we're worried that if we privatize too quickly, many speculators will take the opportunity to plunder East Germany's assets."

"Your concern is valid," Werner nodded. "That's why we need to design reasonable policies to prevent such plunder."

"How do we do that, specifically?"

"First, establish a transparent auction mechanism to ensure bidding is open and fair," Werner said. "Second, prioritize buyers who commit to retaining jobs, not just those with the highest bid. Third, for strategic enterprises, the government should retain a certain number of shares to prevent them from being completely lost."

"That sounds good," Marianne said. "But Mr. Betelich, why are you helping us? You're the former deputy director of Koko. Logically, you should be on the side of the old regime."

Werner looked at her and smiled. "Miss Becker, I've never stood on any particular side. I only stand on the side that is most beneficial to the people of East Germany."

"But—"

"I know what you're going to say. You want to say that I was also a part of the old regime, and that I profited from it. That's a fact, and I don't deny it. But I also helped many people, including you, Mr. Fischer."

Fischer lowered his head and fell silent.

"I'm not a saint, nor am I a devil," Werner said. "I'm just a man who survived in a complex environment. Now that the old regime has collapsed, I'm willing to use my experience to help build a better society."

"Then what do you want in return?" Marianne asked.

"I don't want anything in return," Werner said. "I only hope that when history judges me, it can be said: 'Werner Betelich, though not perfect, did his best.'"

The three of them exchanged a look. After a long moment, Professor Steinhof extended his hand. "Mr. Betelich, I believe you. We are willing to cooperate with you and offer advice on the economic policies for the New Germany."

Werner shook his hand. "Thank you, Professor."