Chapter 381 - 26: Who Reaped the Fruits of the Revolution?

Thursday, March 15th, 7:00 PM.

Werner received a call from Pastor Weber, inviting him to a small gathering.

The location was the church basement. Not many people were attending, only a dozen or so.

Werner walked into the basement and saw familiar faces.

Professor Steinhof, an advisor to the New Forum.

Marianne Becker, a member of Democratic Awakening.

There were also several writers, intellectuals, and former dissidents.

"Werner, you're here," Pastor Weber greeted him.

"Pastor," Werner nodded.

"Have a seat." Pastor Weber pointed to an empty chair. "We're discussing the election on the 18th."

Werner sat down and glanced around. Disappointment and frustration were written on everyone's faces.

"So the outlook isn't good?" Werner said.

"Not good?" Marianne gave a bitter smile. "It's a disaster. All the polls show that the German Alliance will win by a landslide, while we... the 'Alliance 90' formed by the New Forum, Democratic Awakening, and the Green Party... we might not even get 5%."

"This isn't fair!" a young man said angrily. "We were the ones who took to the streets and overthrew the dictatorship! We organized the 'Monday demonstrations,' we founded the New Forum, we risked our lives to start a revolution! Why should the fruits of our labor be plucked by those West German politicians?"

"Because the people chose them," Professor Steinhof said calmly. "We must accept this fact."

"But the people have been deceived!" the young man said. "They've been fooled by Kohl's promises! All that talk of 'blooming landscapes' and a wonderful future—it's all lies!"

"Then you tell me, what is the truth?" Professor Steinhof asked. "Maintaining East Germany's independence? Taking a 'third way'? Establishing a democratic East Germany while preserving the welfare system?"

"Why not?"

"Because that's not what the people want," Professor Steinhof said. "The people want the West German Mark, they want BMWs, they want the freedom to travel wherever they please, they want the Western lifestyle. We can't give them that, but Kohl can. So the people chose Kohl."

The young man fell silent.

"Remember the slogan from last October?" Pastor Weber sighed. "'We are the people.' Back then, we were confronting the East German regime. But by January, the people's slogan had changed to 'We are one people,' with the focus shifting to national unification. We stuck with the former, but the masses had already moved on to the latter."

Silence filled the room.

Werner looked at these people—these former revolutionaries and idealists, these heroes who had risked their lives to bring down the Berlin Wall—who had become political 'pariahs' just a few short months later.

"So what do we do?" Marianne asked. "Just give up like this?"

"We're not giving up," Professor Steinhof said. "We're accepting reality, and then we'll continue to fight. The election is just the beginning, not the end. After unification, there will be a lot of work to do."

"What kind of work?"

"Overseeing privatization, protecting workers' rights, establishing a society based on the rule of law, and most importantly—protecting the Stasi archives," Professor Steinhof said. "Our voices are needed for all of these things."

"But if we don't even have seats in parliament—"

"Then make your voices heard outside of parliament," Werner spoke up.

Everyone turned to look at him.

"Mr. Betelich?" Marianne asked.

"The professor is right; the election is just the beginning," Werner said. "The German Alliance will win, Kohl will push for rapid unification—these are established facts. But after unification, the real challenges will begin."

"What challenges?"

"Privatization," Werner said. "East Germany has over eight thousand state-owned enterprises that need to be privatized. This process will decide the fates of millions. If it's not handled properly, it will cause immense social unrest."

"Then what can we do?"

"Supervise, advise, criticize," Werner said. "You are intellectuals, the representatives of East Germany's conscience. Even without parliamentary seats, your voices are crucial. Especially when it comes to handling the Stasi archives—you must ensure these files are not all destroyed. You must ensure people have the right to know who spied on them. This is your greatest legacy."

Professor Steinhof looked at Werner, his expression complex. "Mr. Betelich, you know a lot about privatization?"

"A great deal," Werner said. "I worked at Koko for over twenty years. I know every weakness of the East German economy."

"So, will you participate in the privatization?"

Werner was silent for a few seconds, then said, "If the new government needs me, I am willing to offer my help."

"As an advisor?"

"As an advisor," Werner nodded. "I don't want to profit from it. I just want to ensure the privatization is as fair and transparent as possible."

Marianne stared at Werner. "Mr. Betelich, are you really doing this for fairness? Or..."

"Or for myself?" Werner cut her off. "Miss Becker, I don't deny that I have my own interests. But on this matter, my interests align with those of the East German people. A chaotic privatization benefits no one, including me."

Marianne didn't say anything.

"Besides," Werner continued, "you need someone to represent your interests during the privatization process. It's better to have someone who understands East Germany involved than to let those West German speculators do as they please."

Professor Steinhof thought for a moment, then said, "Mr. Betelich, what you say makes sense. If you truly can become an advisor for the privatization, we would like to stay in contact and communicate with you regularly."

"Of course," Werner said. "That's exactly what I was hoping for."

***********

「Sunday, March 18th, 8:00 AM.」

Werner stood outside a polling station in the Prenzlauer Berg District, watching people line up to vote.

The line was long, stretching from the entrance of the polling station all the way to the street corner. There were old people, young people, parents with their children—excitement was written on every face.

"This is a historic day!" a middle-aged man said to the person next to him. "After forty years, we can finally choose for ourselves."

Werner watched them, a complex feeling welling up inside him.

It was, indeed, a historic day.

The first, and last, truly free election in East Germany's history.

Because the result of this election would almost certainly lead to the disappearance of East Germany.

At 10:00 AM, Werner walked into a café next to the polling station, ordered a coffee, and sat by the window.

Outside, the line grew longer and longer.

On the television, every channel was broadcasting live coverage of the election.

"...Voter turnout is extremely high, expected to exceed 90%..."

"...Long lines have been reported at polling stations everywhere..."

"...This is the election with the highest participation in East German history..."

Werner watched the television, watching the excited faces, the hands holding ballots, the crowds waiting in line.

They thought they were choosing their future.

But in reality, the future had already been chosen for them.

This election was nothing more than a democratic stamp of approval on that predetermined future.

At 6:00 PM, the polls closed.

At 8:00 PM, the initial results came in.