Chapter 382 - 27: A Country Ended by Votes

Werner sat in the living room of the safe house, watching the live broadcast on television.

"...According to preliminary statistics, the German Alliance has won 48.1% of the vote, becoming the largest party..."

"...The Social Democratic Party won 21.9%..."

"...The Democratic Socialism Party won 16.4%..."

"...The coalition between New Forum and the Green Party won only 2.9%..."

The screen switched to the German Alliance's celebration.

People were cheering, hugging, and popping champagne.

Lothar de Maizière, leader of the German Alliance and chairman of the East German CDU, stood on stage giving his victory speech.

"Today, the people of East Germany have made a clear choice!" Demaziere said. "We have chosen unity, we have chosen freedom, we have chosen the future!"

The crowd below erupted in thunderous applause.

"I promise all the voters who chose us that we will begin negotiations with West Germany as soon as possible to achieve a monetary union, to achieve political unification, and to realize the dream of the German people!"

Werner turned off the TV, walked to the window, and lit a cigarette.

An overwhelming victory.

The East Germans had announced with their ballots: they didn't want a third way, they didn't want an independent East Germany, and they didn't want any part of East Germany's legacy.

They wanted only one thing: to join West Germany, as quickly as possible.

Meanwhile, the revolutionaries who took to the streets in the autumn of 1989, the idealists who risked their lives to topple the dictatorship, had received less than 3% of the vote.

Although they did win some seats—since the 5% electoral threshold of modern Germany did not yet exist—they held a meager 12 out of 400 seats in the parliament. In contrast, the German Alliance, with the full backing of West Germany, had secured over 190 seats.

History has a bitter sense of irony.

The revolutionaries overthrew the old regime, but it was the pragmatists who reaped the rewards.

**************

「Monday, March 19th, 10:00 AM.」

Werner sat in his office, flipping through reports from international media on the election results.

From West Germany's *Frankfurt Allgemeine Zeitung*:

"The Wise Choice of the East German People—The Path to Unification is Open"

From the United Kingdom's *The Times*:

"Germany on the Brink of Unification, European Balance of Power Faces Major Realignment"

From France's *World Newspaper*:

"East German Election Shakes Europe, Mitterrand Calls Emergency Cabinet Meeting"

From the United States' *New York Times*:

"East German Election Marks the End of the Cold War, a Historic Moment Arrives"

From the Soviet Union's *Truth Newspaper*:

"The Results of the East German Election are Regrettable, but the People's Choice Must Be Respected"

Werner put down the newspapers, picked up the phone, and dialed the BND number in West Berlin.

"Werner, it's me."

"Werner, good morning." Werner's voice sounded excited. "Did you see the election results?"

"I saw. 48.1 percent. It's astounding."

"More than astounding, it's perfect," Werner said. "Now even the Soviet Union has nothing to say. This was the free choice of the East German people; no one can oppose it."

"What's the reaction from Moscow?"

"Gorbachev is very frustrated," Werner said. "He was hoping the left wing would win, or at least preserve a neutral East Germany. Now that the East Germans have voted to directly join West Germany, all his calculations have come to nothing."

"Will he try to stop it?"

"No," Werner said. "He can't stop it, and he doesn't dare to. The Soviet Union's economy is a mess right now, and they're in desperate need of loans and food aid from West Germany. If he were to intervene militarily, West Germany's aid would be off the table."

"What are his conditions?"

"Money," Werner said bluntly. "Lots of money. And one guarantee: that after unification, Germany will not expand NATO into former East German territory."

"Will Kohl agree?"

"He will," Werner said. "Kohl will agree to anything as long as he can achieve unification. As for the money, West Germany can afford it. The NATO issue is negotiable. The key is speed—we have to complete the unification while Gorbachev is still in power."

"What about England and France?"

"They're more trouble," Werner sighed. "Mrs. Thatcher is furious; she thinks Europe is about to be dominated by Germany again. Mitterrand is also very worried, but he's more of a realist than Thatcher. He's laid out his conditions."

"What conditions?"

"The Euro," Werner said. "Mitterrand is demanding that Kohl support a single European currency, to lock Germany in a cage through European integration."

Werner laughed. "Clever."

"Yes, very clever," Werner said. "Kohl will agree. For the sake of unification, he'll agree to anything."

"And the United States?"

"The United States is giving its full support," Werner said. "Old Bush sees this as a historic opportunity to end the Cold War."

Werner was silent for a few seconds. "It seems unification is a done deal then."

"Yes," Werner said. "Werner, I hear you're considering getting involved in the privatization?"

"Yes," Werner said. "If the new government needs it, I'm willing to help."

"That's excellent," Werner said. "We also hope to have reliable people involved in this process. Privatization will involve assets worth hundreds of billions of Marks. If it's not handled properly, it could cause enormous chaos."

"I understand."

"Werner, we'll stay in touch," Werner said. "The Federal Government is very grateful for your contributions."

After hanging up, Werner leaned back in his chair and took a deep breath.

The election was over. The die was cast.

**************

「Sunday, March 25th, 2:00 PM.」

Werner received a call from Thomas Borg.

"Mr. Betelich, congratulations," Borg said.

"Congratulations for what?"

"Mr. Demaziere has formed a new government," Borg said. "He would like to see you."

"When?"

"Tomorrow at three in the afternoon, at the Prime Minister's Office," Borg said. "Mr. Demaziere would like to speak with you about... the matter of privatization."

"I understand," Werner said. "Please inform Mr. Demaziere that I will be there on time."

At three o'clock the next afternoon, Werner walked into the Prime Minister's Office.

This building was once the headquarters of the SED Central Committee; now it served as the office for the new government. The corridors were filled with busy staff members rushing past, clutching documents.

Werner was shown to a conference room. After a ten-minute wait, Demaziere walked in.

He was fifty, thin, wore glasses, and looked exhausted.

"Mr. Betelich, thank you for coming." Demaziere extended his hand.

"Mr. Prime Minister." Werner shook his hand.

"Please, sit." Demaziere gestured to a chair. "Let's get straight to the point. We're short on time."

"Please, go ahead."

"We won the election, but what we've won is a total mess." Demaziere sat down, rubbing his temples. "The East German economy is collapsing, thousands of people are fleeing to West Germany every day, state-owned enterprises have shut down, and unemployment is skyrocketing. We have to stabilize the situation as quickly as possible."

Werner looked at East Germany's one and only democratically elected prime minister and felt a pang of sympathy.

Demaziere was a true East German, born in Nordhausen. He was a professional lawyer and also an accomplished violist.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, he had served as a minister in Modro's cabinet. Following the March election, he was formally elected Prime Minister because the East German CDU, which he led, had won.

But his position was extremely awkward.

The only reason the East German CDU he led had won was due to the full support of West German Chancellor Kohl and the West German CDU.

Politically, he was Kohl's "disciple" and "ally." His main task, in reality, was to "liquidate the state"—during his six months in office (from April to October), he was essentially negotiating with Kohl over the price and speed at which East Germany would be sold to West Germany.

Since his campaign's victory was entirely thanks to the backing of the West German bigwigs, he naturally had no leverage at the negotiating table and could only accept whatever terms West Germany proposed.

"So you need a rapid unification," Werner said.

"Correct," Demaziere said. "On July 1st, we need to achieve a monetary union, take the East German Mark out of circulation, and fully adopt the West German Mark. On October 3rd, we need to achieve political unification, with East Germany formally merging into West Germany."

"That's a tight schedule."

"It has to be," Demaziere said. "If we drag this out too long, East Germany will be completely hollowed out."

"And the privatization?"

"That's what I wanted to talk to you about," Demaziere said. "East Germany has more than eight thousand state-owned enterprises that must be privatized. But the process is extremely complex and requires guidance from someone with experience."

"What do you want me to do?"